As the world reels from the gravity of the COVID-19 pandemic, unmanageable civil unrest, and widespread political upheaval, it is easy to lose sight of seemingly smaller events. For many living in the United States and the Western world, the passing of Omani Sultan Qaboos bin Said on January 10th, 2020 was little more than a passing headline. But for the people of Oman, the death of their reigning monarch represented the end of an era. Bereavement did not fail to extend outside of the country however, as family and officials in Muscat received condolences from leaders worldwide. From Kenya to Pakistan and across the Middle East, Omanis everywhere shouldered their grief with the plethora of kings, presidents, and prime ministers who had the distinct honor of meeting the Sultan. It is hard to fathom the impact of such a man upon Oman and the region. Why did the death of one man elicit such an outpouring of sympathy from leaders across the world? How is it that this natural cycle of a noble’s ascension, rule, death, and succession to the next ruler would cause tens of thousands to gather in Muscat for his funeral?
In order to understand this subject, I paid a visit to the Omani Embassy in Washington, DC to interview Marwan al-Balushi, the Information Attaché. Meeting Mr. Al-Balushi for the first time, I am kindly greeted and welcomed into his office with a firm handshake before he instructs me to take a seat as he quickly darts out of the room. His office is tidied and neat, and as I adjust myself on the couch he has pointed me toward, I notice Sultan Qaboos’ royal portrait hung adjacent to that of his successor: Sultan Haitham bin Tariq. The gazes of both are intense but temperate, exuding a wisened calm into the room which is only added onto by the traditional Arabic music coming from Mr. Al-Balushi’s computer. Moments later when my interviewee returns, he carefully hands me a piping hot jigger of rich coffee, which he tells me is a classic Omani brew. Little bigger than a shot glass, it only takes a few sips of the uniquely spiced coffee before I’m jolted awake. After sharing some pleasantries and outlining the purpose of my presence at the embassy that day, Mr. Al-Balushi excitedly reaffirms his commitment to aiding in my understanding, and we begin the interview.
Where It All Began
I first ask for him to offer me an understanding of Sultan Qaboos’ accomplishments and policies, but before doing so, Mr. Al-Balushi insists that “a history of Oman is required” to put everything into perspective. “The time before Sultan Qaboos unmet the aspirations of its people,” he begins. “Oman was isolated, cut off from the world, and largely underdeveloped—there were only three schools in the entirety of the country.” In spite of its rich, triumphant history, it is true that the decades preceding Sultan Qaboos were a low point for the great nation. For instance, as can be seen from this biography of the time prior to Sultan Qaboos’ tenure, Taimur bin Feisal (Qaboos’ grandfather), was so disinterested in running his own country that he exiled himself to India to separate himself from the responsibility of managing Oman. Marked by a power feud between the imamate and sultanate—or the religious and political heads of state—then-Sultan Said bin Taimur significantly isolated the country and stagnated its industries. By the late-1960s, as the Sultan waged war with the Marxist guerilla group the Dhofar Liberation Front, the British had decided that Said bin Taimur had become too much trouble. Realizing his rule could not be legitimized through conquest alone, in July of 1970, the British Foreign and Commonwealth Office aided in the coup d’état which placed bin Taimur’s son, Qaboos bin Said, upon the throne. As a July 27th, 1970 article from the New York Times writes, the Sultan expressed “I have watched with growing dismay and increasing anger the inability of my father to use the new‐found wealth of this country for the needs of its people. That is why I have taken control.”
Of course, it begs the question: Why was Britain so intent on managing Oman? Furthermore, where was this organized socialist opposition in the form of the DLF coming from? To the first point, Britain’s focus on Omani stability stemmed from the profound connection that Britain has possessed in relation to Oman since the late 1920s. At that time, Oman was technically two loosely-connected states comprising of Muscat (the coast) and Oman (the interior). These two states were essential in the consolidation of the London-based Iraq Petroleum Company (IPC). This monopolization of the Omani oil industry by the British contributed to the disunity of Oman and their further desire to stabilize it under Sultan Qaboos. As for the Dhofar Rebellion, much of this disturbance may be traced to the geographical vicinity of the Dhofar Governate in Oman to Yemen, which at the time was the People’s Democratic Republic of Yemen. Fundamentally dedicated to spreading Marxism across the Arabian Peninsula, the DLF was a conglomeration of transnational irregular fighters which waged an almost 10-year war on the sultanate. With Qaboos’ successful stabilization efforts as well as armed support from the British and Imperial Persia, the Dhofar Rebellion finally ceased to be a significant entity by 1976.
A Step in the Right Direction
Under Sultan Qaboos, Oman redefined the responsibility of the government to its people, and substantially improved human rights and quality of life nationwide. Rather than hoarding the wealth to his own private treasury, Qaboos used the renter income from Oman’s petroleum industry to finance infrastructure projects, healthcare, education, and agriculture improvements. From 1960 to 2000, Oman’s infant mortality rate fell dramatically, from 169 for every 1,000 to just 18 for every 1,000. “Improving the lives of workers was a big task for the Sultan,” Al-Balushi tells me, “and there are plenty of stories of the Sultan himself travelling the country, hearing out the personal stories of his countrymen and recommending them to the government for federal work. Occasionally, he even used his private wealth to pay outstanding family debts.” In some ways, Oman remained authoritarian and restricted. While Sultan Qaboos granted universal suffrage to all those over 21 in 1996 under Oman’s first constitution, “unauthorized public gatherings remained prohibited.” Compared to the state of Oman prior to 1970, however, the living standards for the average citizen dramatically increased with the ascension of Sultan Qaboos.
Oman additionally experienced a revolution to its very political system. “The old government style was referred to as barza,” Al-Balushi explains, “a decentralized form more akin to tribal rule than centralized power.” He goes on to explain how Sultan Qaboos introduced a bicameral system consisting of the houses of shura and dawla (equivalent to the American House of Representatives and Senate respectively). While the dawla is made up of appointed officials, the introduction of a democratically-elected shura was an incredible step in allowing for formal representation in the Omani political process. Unlike his father, Qaboos additionally introduced a system of “10-year advisors”, meant to legitimize a formerly informal system of consultants to the sultan as it had existed for centuries prior. This interest in a parliamentary system is unsurprising of course, given Qaboos’ education at Oxford and Britain’s Royal Military Academy of Sandhurst. But it was because of his broadening of political communications—for instance, joining the UN and Arab League in 1971—that allowed Oman to place the foundation for its foreign policy later.
Sultan Qaboos’ Foreign Policy
This brought us to the question of how the late sultan conducted his foreign policy. Al-Balushi explained that “the Sultan lived by, I would say, three core tenants: respect your neighbor, no intervention, and no agenda in other countries.” These pillars of Qaboos’ philosophy in relation to foreign nations is what has allowed Oman to remain on such stable terms with its neighbors and across the waters over the decades. Joseph Kechichian of the RAND Corporation expressed this in his piece covering Omani diplomacy. For Kechichian and other scholars, it was Qaboos’ “balancing [of] interests, tolerance toward differences, and a determined search for mutual benefits” that managed to skyrocket Oman’s prevalence on the world stage as a mediator during conflict. Al-Balushi chuckles lightly before stating “There’s a funny story, actually. During the conflict between Iraq and Kuwait, Oman was involved with the US-led coalition, and it formally condemned Sadam’s invasion. But when all other countries cut ties with Iraq, Oman was the only one to maintain its embassies in both Kuwait and Iraq.” This is confirmed by Kechichian in his article, and is frequently told to embody the spirit of Omani foreign policy. For Sultan Qaboos, there was no such thing as stepping away from the negotiating table.
Oman’s foreign policy has not gone without scrutiny however, and its involvement with some countries like Yemen has remained split to this day. On one hand, as Al-Balushi details, “following Oman’s war with Yemen early in Sultan Qaboos’ reign, he tried everything to connect with Yemen and ease tensions.” Indeed, Oman had previously opened its first consulates with Yemen under Sultan Qaboos, and had been involved in an attempt to jumpstart the Yemeni oil industry. But with the collapse of the Yemeni political system and the civil war there, Oman has come into shaky conflict with its fellow neighbors. For instance, in 2016 Oman was accused of smuggling arms to the Iranian-backed Houthi rebels in Yemen, against the wishes of the Saudi-backed Gulf Cooperation Council. Oman similarly came into conflict with the rest of the Arab World following Egypt’s recognition of Israel in 1979. Oman stood with only Sudan and Somalia in maintaining relations with Anwar Sadat for what was considered an ultimately controversial decision. These examples serve as instances where Omani neutrality has served as a technicality for Middle Eastern countries to condemn it for its contradictory policies or inaction.
But this is where the uniqueness of Sultan Qaboos’ foreign policy comes into play. “He wanted one face and one world,” Mr. Al-Balushi continues. “Oman was about respect for human rights—even when it came to Israel and Palestine, Sultan Qaboos stood firm that any decision should be made in the respect of the rights of both parties to their sovereign determination. It is why Oman supports the legitimate and just demands of the Palestinian people of an independent Palestine with a capital in East Jerusalem, while simultaneously upholding the Arab Peace Initiative and a two-state solution.” Like with his general rule of non-interventionism, Sultan Qaboos was an advocate for universal equality and outcomes that benefited both parties. The reason why the story of Oman’s response to the Gulf War is so notable is because it shows a line of consistency. Just as in the recognition of Israel in 1979, Oman remained steadfast in supporting its ally in Egypt and not caving to the pressure of denouncing Sadat’s action so harshly. Meanwhile, not only are the claims of Houthi rebels being aided in the Yemeni conflict unreliable given Oman’s mediation of both sides, but Oman has remained steadfast in its conviction to holding no favorites.
Remembering Sultan Qaboos bin Said
Recalling his experience with the phenomenon of Sultan Qaboos’ public image and how it has changed over time carefully, Mr. Al-Balushi illustrates how differences have been settled by telling me of how different the Arab Spring was for Oman. “Where other countries had protestors calling for the heads of state to be removed, the people of Oman said no. ‘We love you Sultan Qaboos, just not the ministers.’” This trend continued throughout the 2011 protests in Oman, as Omani civilians expressed “We love His Majesty, but there are problems we need to fix.” Al-Balushi continues, “Even then, you know what happened? Sultan Qaboos listened to his people.” Sure enough, Sultan Qaboos responded by firing a third of his cabinet in addition to helping the people directly by promising 50,000 government jobs and the opening of a second public university. Ultimately, the people of Oman were happy with the outcome of their protests, and praised the Sultan for his handling of the unrest.
As I am about to finish the interview, I ask Mr. Al-Balushi to try summarizing how Sultan Qaboos’ legacy will live on. Looking out the window as if in deep thought, Marwan’s eyes lightly water as he recalls “There are only two times in my life that I have cried. One of those times was upon the death of Sultan Qaboos.” Pausing to collect himself, he continues: “Sultan Qaboos crafted a new Oman and a new country from nothing, and he has crafted a foundation for everyone after him. I mean no disrespect, but Americans don’t understand. In the United States, in the West, politicians are temporary figures meant to serve three or four years. Their title and their position are their job and they are looked at like a worker. In Oman, Sultan Qaboos was more than that. He was not only a king; he was a father to everyone. He respected his country, and so his country respected him.”
A cynic will look at Oman and see an absolutist monarchy with little in the way of oversight as in the Western democracies. But this is not an endorsement of every policy and procedure under Sultan Qaboos. It is that there is a trust in the system, unique to Oman, which has allowed the country to thrive in the years following Sultan Qaboos’ ascension to the throne. It largely works because of the “kind of people the Omani people are" as Mr. Al-Balushi describes it. “We are a tolerant and an open-minded people. You want to go to a mosque, you go to a mosque, or you want to go to an opera, you go to an opera. You will find some Omani women with head scarves, and others without. That is what the Omani people are about.”
There is no way to completely predict what is in store for Oman or its people in the years to come. But if one thing is for certain, it is that Sultan Haitham bin Tariq has some big shoes to fill with the passing of Sultan Qaboos bin Said only a short while ago. If Oman is to survive as a unified people, they must continue to uphold the values of their beloved sultan: tolerance, rule of law, mutual respect, and spiritual passion. One can only hope that these principles are adopted by others around the world, and that a more stable Middle East and international order may be crafted from them.