On August 29, 2019, the Trump administration officially reestablished the United States (U.S.) Space Command. The endgame of the Trump administration is to ultimately create a sixth branch of the military: the Space Force. This objective was best illustrated by Secretary of Defense Dr. Mark T. Esper when he said the following:
“Establishing the United States Space Command as a unified combatant command is the next critical step towards the creation of an independent Space Force as the sixth branch of the armed forces.”
Upon hearing the words “Space Force,” it’s difficult not to initially laugh at such an absurd sounding idea. One conjures images of starships from science fiction movies and thinks about how ridiculous it would be to create a new military force dedicated to military affairs in space. However, upon closer examination, such a proposal may prove to be both pragmatic and even overdue. The intention of the Trump Administration raises an important question: is the creation of a Space Force needed?
The Militarization of Space: Recent Developments in Satellite Technology
As costs for spaceflight have drastically been cut in the last decade, the frequency of satellite launches by both corporate and state actors has substantially increased. At the same time, innovations have been made in technology that has the potential to interfere or effectively ruin existing satellites in orbit.
The National Air and Space Intelligence Center recently released a report highlighting how both the Russian Federation (Russia) and the People’s Republic of China (China) continue to “develop, test, and proliferate sophisticated anti-satellite weapons to hold U.S. allied space assets at risk.” Those weapons have the capacity to jam or completely destroy satellites used for both global navigation systems and military reconnaissance purposes. The aforementioned countries have simultaneously been “developing new space capabilities to achieve military goals and reduce their reliance on U.S. space systems.” Such developments provide a legitimate cause for concern given that attacks on existing satellites have the potential to be incredibly disruptive to location services, such as GPS, relied on by both military and civilian purposes alike. Therefore, an analysis of the current situation in outer space affairs and determination of what efforts the US could take to secure its position in outer space for itself and its allies is warranted.
China’s Strategic Support Force
In December 2015, China established an independent branch of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) called the Strategic Support Force (SSF). The SSF was designed to centralize Chinese military efforts in “space, cyberspace, and the electromagnetic domain.” In 2007, China demonstrated that it could use an anti-satellite missile to destroy its own weather satellite.
Given such a development on the Chinese side, it logically follows that the Trump administration might seek similar consolidation of its space and cyber operations to at least match the level of organization of the PLA. However, as Elsa Kania and John Costello from the China Cyber and Intelligence Studies Institute point out, the U.S. Strategic Command is already quite similar in that it is “…responsible for space, cyber operation, and strategic C4ISR support.” However, it differs from both the U.S. Strategic Command and the U.S. Cyber Command in that it is its own military branch. As it currently stands, “there is no true military space career path and Air Force officers with no space background are often shifted into space work,” as noted by Associate Director of the Aerospace Security Project of the Center for Strategic and International Studies, Kaitlyn Johnson. The creation of a new military branch dedicated to space would also serve to create a career path specifically for those interested in that field. This may prove useful for the U.S. military in attracting talented personnel.
What Would the Space Force Be?
Before determining whether or not a “Space Force” is needed, it is important to define what such an entity would look like. Under the Trump administration’s proposal, the Space Force would be a separate and sixth branch of the U.S. military that ultimately reports to the Secretary of Defense. The Space Force proposed by the Trump administration would not-- at least for now-- be focused on pouring resources into the development of battleships for outer space. Rather, it would be primarily focused on protecting one of the military’s greatest assets that also impacts most of our lives directly: satellites. Satellite technology has been utilized by the United States military for decades and has applications ranging from GPS location technology to imagery production that is used to determine the location of foreign weapons systems. If such technology were to be lost or intentionally destroyed, the U.S. would lose some of its best ‘eyes in the sky’ that it relies on to make informed decisions. Put simply, inadequate protection of precious satellite technology makes the U.S. and its allies vulnerable. The protection of satellite technology should therefore be taken very seriously.
The United States previously had a Space Command that was established under the Department of Defense (DoD) in 1985. However, post-9/11, the major command then merged into the larger U.S. Strategic Command, where the main focus became the U.S.-led invasion of Afghanistan. However, recent developments in the proliferation of anti-satellite capabilities among rivals of the U.S. have convinced the Trump administration officials that greater consolidation of and attention to military capabilities in space is necessary.
The federal website does not provide much further information for how the U.S. Space Command is currently organized. However, the DoD did release a report detailing a proposal for how the Space Force would be brought into existence and how the Space Command would continue to play a role. According to the report, the following three components would be created: first, the Space Development Agency, which would be tasked with “capabilities development and fielding” and suggests that part of this process includes transformation of the Air Force’s Space and Missile Center; second, the Space Operations Force, which will “develop the Space Operations force to support the Combatant Commands”; and third, the support and services functions that will be assisting the Space Force and developed by the Department of Defense. The Space Command, led by a four-star general, would be included in the process as it would provide direction to the use of the Space Force’s combined assets during times of military conflict.
The U.S. Space Command is currently led by General John W. Raymond and is comprised of two main parts: the Combined Force Space Component Command (CFSCC) and the Joint Task Force Space Defense (JTF-SD). The former serves as more of a center of planning, assessment, and integration of space capabilities. The latter, the JTF-SD, is responsible for deterring aggression and defeating adversaries in conflicts.
Current Agreements in Outer Space
During and after the Cold War, the United States signed a number of treaties with the Soviet Union and other world powers to set rules on what kind of activity would be tolerated in space. One such treaty is the Treaty on Principles Governing the Activities of States in the Exploration and Use of Outer Space, including the Moon and Other Celestial Bodies, otherwise known as the Outer Space Treaty. Among other things, the treaty states that signatory parties agree to not militarize outer space and celestial bodies beyond Earth. This includes a prohibition on the placement of nuclear weapons and military bases on celestial bodies other than Earth. It also requires that a base built on any celestial body be open for use by other nations, provided that advanced notice is given to the nation that built the base The United States, the Soviet Union, and over a hundred other countries signed this treaty, with some even ratifying it in their respective national legislatures. One such participant was China, who signed the treaty in 1967.
While the Outer Space Treaty has proven useful in discouraging the construction of military bases beyond Earth, it does not mention the use of satellite interference or destruction technology that now poses a greater threat as cyber warfare strategies continue to develop. A separate treaty called the Convention on International Liability for Damage Caused by Space Objects lays the groundwork for determining liability in scenarios in which another one state’s assets are damaged by another state and claims that the state whose assets have been damaged shall be entitled to compensation. Again, this treaty does not prohibit the use of anti-satellite technology to damage another state’s satellites outright.
Conclusion
In order to be adequately prepared for potential conflicts in outer space, the U.S. will need to take strategic action to reorganize and consolidate its capabilities in the protection of its satellites. The creation of a permanent branch of the military to fulfill this need, such as the proposed Space Force, is a reasonable solution to this challenge and provides the additional benefit of creating a true military career path and mechanism for recruiting talent.
In the 21st century, China has emerged as a formidable rival on the world stage. From its demonstrated capability in outer space to its signature Belt and Road Initiative, it is safe to say that protecting U.S. interests in foreign and defense policy includes greater consideration of China’s actions. Furthermore, the example of the Strategic Support Force may provide a useful example in determining how the U.S. should go about this task. The SSF’s combination of outer space and cyberwarfare expertise in this branch of the military could provide a framework for the U.S. military for how to go about combining those capabilities.
While the effort of restructuring U.S. capabilities in outer space has been undertaken to some extent with the reintroduction of the Space Command, future developments and threats to U.S. interests would likely be better addressed if there were a permanent organization with outer space affairs as its area of expertise. As of 2016, the Government Accountability Office concluded that there were over 60 organizations “strewn across the Department of Defense and intelligence community with responsibility for space acquisitions,” which will likely prove unacceptable in future as greater centralized authority is needed in the future. This fact coupled with the reality that a command dedicated to this issue was gotten rid of in the past in order to focus on another international conflict further supports the conclusion that the permanence of the proposed Space Force would greatly support U.S. goals.
The long-term objectives of the U.S. should also include a reexamination of current applicable international law, specifically as it applies to the proliferation and usage of anti-satellite technology. The Trump administration should seek greater dialogue and new treaties with China and Russia to avoid escalation of the militarization of outer space. Chances of positive diplomatic outcomes on this issue with China may seem slim given the current state of affairs between the two nations in the ongoing trade war, however diplomacy should nevertheless be utilized to the fullest extent possible in outer space affairs.
Ultimately, the U.S. has a full plate with regards to how it should be acting with regards to the rise of China and others. In the realm of outer space affairs, a number of solutions exist to strengthen the position of the U.S. and its allies in outer space. Among these, the Space Force proposal presents a reasonable step in the direction of achieving U.S. defense and foreign policy objectives and should therefore be seriously considered.