When former Foreign Secretary Boris Johnson succeeded Theresa May as British Prime Minister in July of 2019, his first commitment to the House of Commons was to fulfill the October 31st Brexit deadline regardless if there was a deal or not. Four months later, instead of this promise being met, British Parliament has until January 31, 2020 to agree upon a deal that will be approved by the European Union (EU). While members of Parliament still hold contention regarding proposed provisions in Johnson’s revised Brexit deal, a subject in both May’s and Johnson’s plan that has held constant significance is the role of the Republic of Ireland and the counties in Northern Ireland that are a part of the United Kingdom.
The long history between the three regions that lead to the thirty-year period of political turmoil known as “The Troubles” resulted in the 1998 Good Friday Agreement. Although this tension can date back to the 12th century, the major key players of these tensions were the nationalist and unionist parties. A significant point in the history of the two feuding parties was the Government or Ireland Act implemented shortly after the Irish War of Independence. This act allowed Northern Ireland to operate as a self-governing region that was a part of the United Kingdom and not the Republic of Ireland.
The divide between the two opposing groups was also visible in the political parties that dominated the political landscape of Northern Ireland. More specifically, the Ulster Unionist Party, a political party that was mostly comprised of Protestants, instilled different measures to ensure that local political power would remain within the party. Some of these measures included gerrymandering and discrimination against the nationalist individuals. The individuals that were discriminated against attempted demonstrations fighting for equal rights, which quickly escalated by bringing different military forces into the picture in an attempt to try and stabilize the situation. The presence of three different military forces, the Irish Republican Army, the Irish National Liberation Army, and British Army within the conflict zones of the border only deteriorated the issues regarding injustice interments and shootings.
After almost 30 years of political turmoil between these two areas in Ireland, a peace agreement was reached in 1998 which declared the northern counties of Ireland to be a part of the United Kingdom unless there was a majority vote to reunify the two areas. All of the provisions written into the agreement primarily established an equitable government that would prevent things such as gerrymandering from occurring and created institutions that work to foster peace and cooperation between Northern Ireland, the Republic of Ireland, and Great Britain.
The specific provisions of the 1998 Good Friday Agreement allowed for Northern Ireland to remain a part of the United Kingdom and coexist peacefully with the rest of the public. The agreement has four main pillars which politically establishes the rule of law for Northern Ireland and how for the northern counties interact with each other. The four main pillars are the following; devolution, power-sharing, designation, and a three-strand approach to dealing with peace and cooperation. Although there are other provisions enumerated within the agreement, all of them address the central theme of peace where the government of Northern Ireland will constitute a power-sharing system. This means that there are two ministers, one from each of the dominating political parties. In addition to top officials needing to identify with a specific political party, all members of parliament must identify with some political to ensure equality. This is another rule to ensure that all members of parliament remove any form of policy that could disenfranchise a group of individuals.
Additionally, another important provision worth mentioning is the demilitarization of the border towns of the northern counties such as Londonderry/Derry. Heavy militarization occurred within these towns between all military fronts. Finally, the last two significant provisions of the Good Friday Agreement centralized on creating institutions which foster cooperation among the feuding regions. Institutions such as the British-Irish Council and the British Irish Intergovernmental Conference are just some of the institutions that were created from the agreement to ensure there is cooperation between all three parties.
With both Great Britain and the Republic of Ireland being members of the European Union, there is no border or border checks between the Republic of Ireland and northern counties that are a part of the United Kingdom. As members of the European Union, the benefits stretched beyond economic and political integration. In terms of the Irish and Northern Ireland conflict, EU membership indirectly promoted cooperation between the two regions. One way the benefits of both areas being a part of the EU is reflected through the border between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. The lack of distinctive border between the two regions allows for goods and services to be easily transported. To place this into perspective, the border between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland, a border that was once highly militarized, is now a soft border that has no militarization but instead, a simple sign which states that you are either entering or leaving a specific area. The lack of a border allowed for the process of reconciliation and peace to go at an accelerated pace. Economically, the lack of a border has lead to economic integration and benefits. The lack border has allowed for trade, businesses and labor to move very freely between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. Much of the progress made, however, could be destroyed under new provisions put forth by Johnson in his proposed Brexit deal.
With the likelihood of a deal being reached by the extended deadline of January 31, 2020, provisions regarding the border between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland will jeopardize both the political cooperation between Ireland and Northern Ireland but the economic relations between Great Britain, Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. In the original Brexit deal created by May, there would be no barrier between Northern Ireland and the Republic. This lack of any form of border allowed Great Britain to have a very close relations with the republic of Ireland without the supervision of the European Union. In Johnson’s edition of the Brexit plan, a customs and regulatory border would be established between Northern Ireland and Great Britain, which means that goods from Great Britain entering Northern Ireland would be subjected to EU import taxes. Overall, provisions within the new Brexit deal do not fully take into account significant provisions that were made in the Good Friday Agreement.
Policy Recommendations
In order to maintain the peace that was built between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland, there should be increased conversation between three general players: the British Parliament, the Northern Ireland Parliament and the Republic of Ireland. When considering the thoughts of any amendment to the new plan, having the voice of both Northern Ireland and Irish ministers present within these meetings will ensure that the values behind the Good Friday Agreement are upheld and not jeopardize. It is crucial for the voice of both Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland to be present because if not the alternative possibilities which undermine the Good Friday Agreement could destroy the decades of work for Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland to be cooperating under one island.